Starmer at -46: Labour’s Leadership Question Has Moved from Whispers to Open Debate
Sir Keir Starmer‘s net favourability has fallen to -46 in the latest YouGov political tracker, with 23% of Britons viewing the Prime Minister favourably against 69% who see him unfavourably. The figures, broadly unchanged from April but anchored at historically low levels, frame a political moment in which Labour’s internal debate about leadership has moved from private conversation to open speculation, with the Prime Minister explicitly resisting calls from within his own party to quit.
From private murmurs to public pressure
For months, the question of Starmer’s leadership existed mainly in lobby gossip and the carefully calibrated interviews of soft-left mayors. Following the catastrophic local-election results on 1 May — in which Labour lost close to 1,500 council seats and Reform UK gained 1,454 — the discussion has become significantly more direct. Several Labour MPs have publicly called on the Prime Minister to step down, citing the scale of the losses and the absence of any visible recovery in national polling.
What the numbers actually show
The YouGov figures tell a story of remarkable stability — at the wrong altitude. Starmer’s net rating has hovered around -45 to -47 for several months, suggesting that neither the Spring Statement, the Bank of England’s restrained tone, nor recent announcements on housing and policing have shifted public sentiment. Among 2024 Labour voters, the disenchantment is even more striking: only Andy Burnham, the Greater Manchester Mayor, retains a positive net rating among the broader public, with 34% favourable and 30% unfavourable.
The succession scenarios
If a full leadership contest were triggered, three names dominate the speculation: Burnham, Angela Rayner, and Wes Streeting. Burnham, however, faces a structural obstacle — he is not currently an MP. Rayner and Streeting, with near-identical YouGov standings of 22-23% favourable, would be the most likely soft-left and right-wing candidates respectively in any contest confined to the parliamentary party. The party’s rulebook, in its current form, would force a complex sequence of by-elections, conference procedure and PLP votes that would test Labour’s institutional plumbing in real time.
Reform UK and the recalibration of the right
The other side of the Labour story is the Reform UK story. Nigel Farage‘s party has dominated national opinion polls since early 2025 and converted that lead into seats at local level on a scale not seen by an insurgent party in modern British politics. Within YouGov’s favourability tracker, 27% view Farage positively against 64% unfavourable — a polarised but commercially viable platform from which to contest a general election. Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch, on -17, posts the highest net rating of any Tory leader in five years, though the bar set by her recent predecessors is not a demanding one.
What Starmer’s defence rests on
The Prime Minister’s argument, repeated by Downing Street and senior cabinet figures, is that the long-run electoral arithmetic still favours Labour, that two years of office is too soon to judge any government, and that the alternative — a midterm leadership crisis — would compound rather than resolve the political problems. The argument is structurally coherent. The political question is whether enough Labour MPs continue to find it persuasive when they face their constituents, particularly in seats where Reform UK has emerged as the principal challenger.
The wider strategic question
Beyond the leadership question lies a more uncomfortable strategic debate within Labour: whether the government’s economic and immigration policy mix is capable of recovering the voters lost since July 2024, or whether the party needs a sharper repositioning that the current leadership has been unwilling to pursue. The answer to that question will determine not just whether Starmer survives the summer, but the shape of British politics into the next general election.
What to watch in the coming weeks
Three indicators matter most. First, whether the number of public resignation calls from Labour MPs stabilises or grows. Second, whether the next two by-elections — both in seats where Reform UK is competitive — produce results that intensify or relieve pressure. Third, whether the Prime Minister’s own narrative gains any traction in the Conservative or Labour-leaning press. On current trajectory, none of those signals point decisively in his favour — but the absence of an obvious successor and the inertia of incumbency remain powerful forces in his defence.
